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dc.contributor.authorСтеблина, Наталія
dc.contributor.authorSteblyna, Nataliia
dc.date.accessioned2021-01-26T07:35:32Z-
dc.date.available2021-01-26T07:35:32Z-
dc.date.created2020-02-24
dc.date.issued2020-02-24
dc.identifier.citationСтеблина Н. Азовська криза та українська передвиборча кампанія у твіттері: формальний аналіз політичного тексту (на прикладі облікового запису Петра Порошенка) / Наталія Стеблина // Гуманітарні візії. — Львів : Видавництво Львівської політехніки, 2020. — Том 6. — № 1. — С. 14–20.
dc.identifier.urihttps://ena.lpnu.ua/handle/ntb/56018-
dc.description.abstractУ статті здійснено формальний аналіз твіттер-акаунту Петра Порошенка, який містить обчислення й відстеження динаміки показників персоналізації, емоційності та наявності комунікаційного наміру. Для аналізу дописів було створено комп’ютерну програму (мова Python). Петро Порошенко є одним із найпопулярніших блоґерів твіттера в Україні, маючи 1,1 млн прихильників. У своїй політичній діяльності Петро Порошенко робив ставку не тільки на популярні в українців соцмережі, але й активно використовував твіттер. Попередні дослідження цієї соціальної мережі показали, що політична комунікація під упливом твіттера та інших подібних платформ стає більш персоналізованою, емоційною, а також зафіксовано зв’язок між використанням політиками соціальних мереж та зростанням популізму. Тим не менш, більшість із цих висновків зроблені на основі аналізу дописів західноєвропейських лідерів. Відповідно, аналіз дописів Петра Порошенка у твіттері дасть змогу розширити уявлення про можливі комунікаційні стратегії використання цієї соцмережі в Україні. У середньому чверть твітів Петра Порошенка є персоналізованою. Реакція на російську агресію у другій половині листопада – першій половині грудня 2018 якраз має низькі показники персоналізації, натомість другий тур президентських виборів – високі. Азовська криза не призводить до підвищення емоційності текстів, так само й активна фаза передвиборчої кампанії перед першим туром мала низьку емоційність. Проте перед другим туром виборів зафіксовано значне зростання цього показника. Щодо показника комунікаційного наміру маємо негативну кореляцію із показником емоційності. Це свідчить про більш раціональну реакцію на Азовську кризу та перший тур президентських виборів.
dc.description.abstractPetro Poroshenko is one of the most popular Twitter-bloggers in Ukraine with 1,1 million followers. Thus, he actively exploited Twitter, as well as more wide spread in the country social networks as Facebook and Instagram. Dealing with Twitter and other social networks studies, scholars claim that political communication nowadays has been becoming more personalized, emotional and populist. All these considerations were made on the accounts of Western European leaders. Thus, Petro Poroshenko’s Twitter posts analysis will be useful to expand the discoveries about political communication. The objective of the study is Petro Poroshenko’s Twitter account formal analysis, particularly, calculation and dynamics’ study of indicators: personalization, emotionality and communication intention existence. The author uses the method of study, which is a computer program (Python language) and it was designed especially for this study. 25 % of Petro Poroshenko’s Twitter posts are personalized. The reaction on Russian aggression in NovemberDecember 2019 has low indicators, whereas the second tour of the election – high ones. It’s also possible to discover the change of communication strategy before the first tour of the election. Azov crisis doesn’t lead to the high emotionality indicators. And the active phase of pre-election campaign before the second tour of the election has low emotionality. The significant growth of the indicator is fixed before the second tour. As for the communication intention existence indicator, there is negative correlation between the indicator and emotionality. Thus, Azov crisis and the first tour of presidential elections have gained reaction that is more rational.
dc.format.extent14-20
dc.language.isouk
dc.publisherВидавництво Львівської політехніки
dc.publisherLviv Politechnic Publishing House
dc.relation.ispartofГуманітарні візії, 1 (6), 2020
dc.relation.ispartofHumanitarian Vision, 1 (6), 2020
dc.relation.urihttps://www.radiosvoboda.org/a/yak-kandydaty-reklamyjutsiav-facebook/29848069.html
dc.relation.urihttps://doi.org/10.1080/1461670X.2018.1487802
dc.relation.urihttps://doi.org/10.1177/2056305118823358
dc.relation.urihttps://doi.org/10.1017/S1049096518001087
dc.relation.urihttps://doi.org/10.1177/2056305118808776
dc.relation.urihttps://doi.org/10.1080/17512786.2018.1564883
dc.relation.urihttps://doi.org/10.1016/j.pubrev.2017.10.002
dc.relation.urihttps://doi.org/10.15581/003.32.1.1-18
dc.relation.urihttps://doi.org/10.1177/2056305119837671
dc.relation.urihttps://doi.org/10.1080/15205436.2019.1614196
dc.relation.urihttps://doi.org/10.1080/15295036.2016.1266686
dc.relation.urihttps://doi.org/10.1177/2056305119855143
dc.relation.urihttps://doi.org/10.1177/2056305119834595
dc.relation.urihttps://doi.org/10.15581/003.32.1.57-75
dc.relation.urihttps://doi.org/10.1177/1478929918807712
dc.relation.urihttps://doi.org/10.1177/0267323118810884
dc.relation.urihttps://doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v11n2p78
dc.relation.urihttps://doi.org/10.15581/003.32.1.39-55
dc.relation.urihttps://doi.org/10.1080/17512786.2013.802481
dc.relation.urihttps://www.radiosvoboda.org/a/yak-kandydatyreklamyjutsia-v-facebook/298480
dc.subjectполітична комунікація
dc.subjectАзовська криза
dc.subjectвибори в Україні
dc.subjectтвіттер
dc.subjectПетро Порошенко
dc.subjectpolitical communication
dc.subjectAzov crisis
dc.subjectUkraine elections
dc.subjectTwitter
dc.subjectPetro Poroshenko
dc.titleАзовська криза та українська передвиборча кампанія у твіттері: формальний аналіз політичного тексту (на прикладі облікового запису Петра Порошенка)
dc.title.alternativeAzov Crisis and Ukrainian Pre-Election Campaign on Twitter: Formal Analysis of Political Textes (On the Case of Petro Poroshenko’s Account)
dc.typeArticle
dc.rights.holder© Національний університет “Львівська політехніка”, 2020
dc.rights.holder© Стеблина Н., 2020
dc.contributor.affiliationДонецький національний університет імені Василя Стуса
dc.contributor.affiliationVasyl Stus’ Donetsk National University
dc.format.pages7
dc.identifier.citationenSteblyna N. Azov Crisis and Ukrainian Pre-Election Campaign on Twitter: Formal Analysis of Political Textes (On the Case of Petro Poroshenko’s Account) / Nataliia Steblyna // Humanitarian Vision. — Lviv : Lviv Politechnic Publishing House, 2020. — Vol 6. — No 1. — P. 14–20.
dc.identifier.doidoi.org/10.23939/shv2020.01.014
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dc.relation.referencesen(2019). Populism in Online Election Coverage. Journalism Studies, 20(8), 1110–1129. https://doi.org/10.1080/1461670X.2018.1487802
dc.relation.referencesenBroersma, M., & Graham, T. S. (2013). Twitter as a
dc.relation.referencesennews source: How Dutch and British newspapers used tweets in
dc.relation.referencesentheir news coverage, 2007–2011. Journalism Practice,7(4), 446–464. https://doi.org/10.1080/17512786.2013.802481
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dc.relation.referencesenPolarization and Issue Ownership in Turkey’s Political
dc.relation.referencesenTwittersphere. International Journal of Communication, 13, 229–250.
dc.relation.referencesenErnst, N., Blassnig, S., Engesser, S., Büchel, F., &
dc.relation.referencesenEsser, F. (2019). Populists Prefer Social Media Over Talk
dc.relation.referencesenShows: An Analysis of Populist Messages and Stylistic
dc.relation.referencesenElements Across Six Countries. Social Media + Society, 1–14.
dc.relation.referencesenhttps://doi.org/10.1177/2056305118823358
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dc.relation.referencesenPolitical Discussions on Twitter: Politicians, Media, and
dc.relation.referencesenCitizens’ Patterns of Interaction in the 2015 and 2016 Electoral
dc.relation.referencesenCampaigns in Spain. Social Media + Society, 1–16.
dc.relation.referencesenhttps://doi.org/10.1177/2056305118808776
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dc.relation.referencesenPopulist Twitter Posts in News Stories: Statement Recognition
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dc.relation.referencesenmore retweets: Trump’s and Clinton’s agenda setting on
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dc.relation.referencesenhttps://doi.org/10.1016/j.pubrev.2017.10.002
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dc.relation.referencesena space for interaction in political journalism. Dynamics,
dc.relation.referencesenconsequences and proposal of interactivity scale for social
dc.relation.referencesenmedia. Communication & Society, 32(1), 1–18.
dc.relation.referencesenhttps://doi.org/10.15581/003.32.1.1-18
dc.relation.referencesenMatuszewski, P., & Szabó, G. (2019). Are Echo
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dc.relation.referencesenhttps://doi.org/10.1177/2056305119837671.
dc.relation.referencesenMcGranahan, C. (2019). A Presidential Archive of
dc.relation.referencesenLies: Racism, Twitter, and a History of the Present.
dc.relation.referencesenInternational Journal of Communication 13, 3164–3182.
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dc.relation.referencesenCandidate: Social Media Following and Politician
dc.relation.referencesenIdentification. Mass Communication and Society, 22(5), 584–603. https://doi.org/10.1080/15205436.2019.1614196
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dc.relation.referencesenVisibility on Twitter: Author and Message Characteristics
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dc.relation.referenceseninfluencers. A study of Donald Trump's personal brand on
dc.relation.referencesenTwitter and its impact on the media and users. Comunicacion y
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dc.relation.referencesenSuperhero and the Anti-Politician as President: Donald
dc.relation.referencesenTrump’s Branding on Twitter. Political Studies Review, 17(3), 210-223. https://doi.org/10.1177/1478929918807712
dc.relation.referencesenStetka, V., Surowiec, P., & Mazak, J. (2019). Facebook
dc.relation.referencesenas an Instrument of Election Campaigning and Voters’
dc.relation.referencesenEngagement: Comparing Czechia and Poland. European
dc.relation.referencesenJournal of Communication, 34(2), 121–141.
dc.relation.referencesenhttps://doi.org/10.1177/0267323118810884
dc.relation.referencesenTari, Z. G., & Emamzadeh, Z. (2018). An Analysis of
dc.relation.referencesenthe Media Messages during the 2016 U.S. Presidential
dc.relation.referencesenElection: A Thematic Comparison between CNN News and
dc.relation.referencesenDonald Trump’s Tweets. Journal of Politics and Law, 11(2), 78–87. https://doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v11n2p78
dc.relation.referencesenThompson, M. (2016). Enough Said: What’s Gone
dc.relation.referencesenWrong with the Language of Politics? New York: St. Martin’s
dc.relation.referencesenPress.
dc.relation.referencesenVillar, S., & María, J. (2019). The use of blogs as social
dc.relation.referencesenmedia tools of political communication : citizen journalism and
dc.relation.referencesenpublic opinion 2.0. Communication & Society, 32(1), 39–55.
dc.relation.referencesenhttps://doi.org/10.15581/003.32.1.39-55
dc.citation.journalTitleГуманітарні візії
dc.citation.issue1
dc.citation.spage14
dc.citation.epage20
dc.coverage.placenameЛьвів
dc.coverage.placenameLviv
dc.subject.udc32.019.51
Appears in Collections:Humanitarian Vision. – 2020. – Vol. 6, No. 1

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